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gabriel.jpgRSS Gabriel Ángel

Gabriel Ángel is writer and guerrilla fighter of the FARC-EP
Tuesday, 24 October 2017 14:49

The struggle for peace doesn’t end, it changes

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Professor Víctor de Currea-Lugo published a note a few days ago in Las2Orillas, comparing the peace process and the Final Agreement with a schizophrenia.

It is clear to him that there is a kind of double personality in permanent struggle, some interpret things one way and others in another totally opposite way. It is an incurable disease.



From very young we learned that everything in the universe is in permanent movement and change, which is perfectly applicable to social phenomena. Politics is perhaps the best expression of that.

In it the most dissimilar interests of various sectors converge, with different ideas about the organization of society, in an intense struggle.

 It is not surprising that while the FARC thought one thing about the armed conflict and the political solution, other forces and interests had their own interpretation.

The repeated discourse according to which there was no reason for the guerrilla struggle is known: in Colombia there was no despotic regime but the broadest democracy.

 The guerrilla also developed its own approaches. And precisely for this reason there was an armed confrontation lasting more than half a century.

Those of us who were in the war lived in their own flesh the meaning of combat to death, the language of fire, bombs, shrapnel, threat and dirty tricks. We always interpret things in the opposite way.

 Fortunately, this situation came to an end with the Havana Agreements. In them it is possible to register a fundamental idea that every day takes more force in the national conscience.

It is not that the conflicting interests have disappeared, but that, from now on, these contradictions must be solved without resorting to arms.



What was finally signed at the Teatro Colón was the proscription of violence as a mechanism to resolve political differences. For this, it was necessary for the Colombian State to recognize the political character of the guerrilla insurgency. A recognition the international community as a whole made.

Hence the final formula for expanding Colombia's narrow democracy.

 The most important achievement of the Peace Agreement was then the recognition of the other, the acceptance of its existence and of its right to express and defend its ideas in a peaceful and democratic way.

To make effective this recognition to all the spaces involved to incorporate other prescriptions. That is why the Agreements ended up occupying more than 300 pages.



The thorny issue of land and rural development had to be dealt with, as well as concerted measures to guarantee the political exercise to those who were granted that right, the FARC and other sectors excluded from national life. The issue of victims was reconciled, for which the rigorous integral system of truth, justice, reparation and non-repetition was designed.



And it was necessary to agree the end of the conflict, the bilateral and definitive ceasefire and abandonment of arms. From which had to be derived the guarantees for the life and safety of the guerrilla transformed into legal political organization. It was necessary agreeing on a treatment for illicit crops and drug trafficking. Specify what is related to implementation, endorsement and reincorporation.



Achieving it took five years of intense conversations, of deep debates in which the whole country was involved. The birth of the Final Agreement was difficult and full of obstacles.

Precisely because of that, because it consisted in the adjustment of the most expressed positions. The consensus represented a happy moment of extreme coincidences, but a moment at last.



FARC, Government, Constitutional Court and Congress of the Republic joined the national clamor for peace and its endorsement, after listening to the most bitter critics and incorporate much of what was suggested. There, one stage ended and another began, the stage of interpretation and implementation of what was agreed upon. The contrary criteria reappeared and the struggle to impose them intensified.



This is what Professor Currea calls the process a schizophrenia. In his opinion our political weakness pays its price today. I do not believe that it is weakness. If the FARC has arrived here, it is precisely for the contrary: we have never been alone, there is a national clamor linked to us that struggles hard to see the agreement fulfilled.



And it is facing the forces of the old country that long for war and fear. That country that massacres in Tumaco and slanders in the social nets, that speaks for Messrs. Ordonez, Uribe and Vargas Lleras with their elaborate pretexts.

It is not schizophrenia, it is the intense contradiction of classes. We take part in it, we do politics, like millions of compatriots.



Our task is to group and strengthen every day an unstoppable movement for peace, the war must never return to Colombia. Behind it, corruption, hatred, inequality and injustice must disappear.
That's what we want.

Last modified on Tuesday, 31 October 2017 14:32
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